Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.)

On 13 June, the Burmese junta’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a press statement blasting the EU Presidency on its 11 June declaration for its concern of Burma army’s offensive against Karen National Union (KNU), leading to the massive outflow of the Karen refugees into Thailand.

The junta’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs furious rejection of the EU’s statement, which includes among other could be highlighted and listed as follows:

•    The internal insurgency problem that plagued the Union of Myanmar for over four decades since its regaining of independence in 1948, was in fact resulted from the ill legacies of the divide and rule administrative policy of the colonialists in the past history.

•    Therefore, with a view to consolidating national unity, the Government of the Union of Myanmar has since 1989 abandoned military solution against the problems of armed groups confronted by the successive governments and made peace overtures to all of them to exchange arms for peace.

•    There remains only one single armed group, i.e. Kayin National Union (KNU) outside legal fold.

•    Members of the Government armed forces had no role whatsoever in the recent scuffles.

Source: New Light of Myanmar


It is absurd that the Burmese junta continue to blame the British's divide and rule policy of the colonial era for its own failure in nation-building process. The crux of the problem has always been the denial of ethnic self-determination, equality and universal human rights. On top of this, the junta's obsession of "group survival" mentality- meaning: a handful of military top brass, monopoly of political power, rejection of the real nature of multi-ethnic state structure and its forceful  implementation of Burmanisation policy on non-Burman ethnic groups are squarely to be blamed.

The Malaysian and Singaporian were also colonised and even gain independence  much later than Burma. If the both former British colonies could prosper and lead a relative harmonious social interaction within their respective national boundaries, why on earth couldn't the Burmese political class be in a position to do like wise? One could only just wonder the Burmese junta for putting the blame squarely on its former colonial master for its own shortcomings and not on its more than four decades of oppression and misrule.

While the fractional fighting among the Karens, in form of  the Karen National Union (KNU) against the pro-government Democratic Karen Buddhist Association (DKBA),  could be brushed out as Karen's internal conflict, it is a known fact that DKBA always receive weaponry and logistic support from the junta. And if this is not a divide and rule policy of the junta, one wouldn't know how to term this. Apart from that, the DKBA has in the past used to carry out joint military operations, in collaboration with the junta, against the KNU. Given such track record, the junta's claim that it has nothing to do with the recent clash along the border holds little or no credit at all.

While the junta’s claim of  KNU being the last remaining single resistance force within the Karen state might be true, it is just the opposite when one look at the ethnic conflict spectrum encompassing Burma.

The Arakan Liberation Party, the Karenni National Progressive Party, the Shan State Army-South, the Chin National Front and the Kachin National Organisation are active armed resistance forces pitted against the Burma army, with thousands of troops at their disposal.

More over, the junta’s taking credit of not harbouring on armed conflict to solve political problem by mentioning  that 17 out of 18 armed groups have returned to the legal fold and are now working together with the  junta  is sheer propaganda work, which holds no credit.

On top of it, United Wa State Army (UWSA), National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA-ESS),Shan State Army – North (SSA –N) and Kachin Independence Army (KIA) are all rejecting the junta’s proposal of becoming border security forces, under the junta’s command. And, in fact, these cease-fire armies are the strongest ones, commanding more than 60, 000 or more, when combined together. Their demand has been for more autonomy within the mould of genuine federalism, which the junta has repeatedly rejected.

Thus, the relationship between the junta and these cease-fire armies are, more or less, of a temporary truce nature and not actually supporting the consolidation of  junta’s political power monopoly, as it likes to portray and think. In other words, the fighting could flare up anytime, if there is no agreeable political settlement for the cease-fire armies.

The junta knows pretty well that it could with one stroke start a genuine national reconciliation by calling for peace talks, leading to meaningful and all-inclusive democratisation process, without precondition. But the problem lies with its obsession of  political power monopoly, driven by its selfish instinct of "group survival" mentality at all cost.

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_{(Sai Wansai is the General Secretary of the exiled Shan Democratic Union - Editor)}